{"id":4940,"date":"2006-06-04T11:58:00","date_gmt":"2006-06-04T08:58:00","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2025-03-21T13:44:07","modified_gmt":"2025-03-21T11:44:07","slug":"epalestine-major-general-eiland-gaza","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/2006\/06\/epalestine-major-general-eiland-gaza\/","title":{"rendered":"Major General Eiland: Gaza pullout was missed chance of historic proportions"},"content":{"rendered":"<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">w w w . h a a r e t z . c o m<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Last update &#8211; 09:44 04\/06\/2006<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"4\"><span style=\"font-size:14pt\"><strong>Eiland: Gaza pullout was missed chance of  historic proportions<\/strong><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">By Ari Shavit, Haaretz Correspondent<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">In an interview to Haaretz, the outgoing head of the National Security  Council (NSC), Major General Giora Eiland describes the disengagement  from the Gaza Strip as a &quot;missed opportunity of historic proportions.&quot; The  man whose last posting in the IDF was as head of operations, also warns  that the convergence plan will not bring stability to the Middle East. After two  and a half years at the NSC, Eiland also comments on the informal way  strategic decisions are made in Israel.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">You planned the disengagement for former prime minister Ariel Sharon.  Was the disengagement a right move or a mistake?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Eiland: &quot;The disengagement was a missed opportunity of historic  proportions. I would like to explain. The disengagement contributed nothing  to the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">In the government establishment, in which you were a member, was there  an organized discussion on whether the disengagement was the right  move?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;No. When I assumed my office, on 18 January, 2004, there was only an  amorphous term &#8216;disengagement&#8217; from a speech in Herzliya. I asked Sharon  how much time I had to formulate a plan and he told me, four months. But  very quickly it became clear to me that [PM Sharon&#8217;s adviser] Dov  Weissglas had already met with the Americans and committed us to a major  unilateral step both in Gaza and the West Bank.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;Immediately after, Sharon committed himself to the evacuation of 18  settlements in the Gaza Strip in an interview to [Haaretz&#8217;s] Yoel Marcus, and  at that point the game was up. The planning process I had began blew up.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Was the question of what we could get in exchange for the Gaza Strip  asked?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;That question was raised much later.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Was that not a strategic mistake?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;Condoleezza Rice told us, &#8216;Let me explain to you what the meaning of a  unilateral step is. You make a unilateral step when it is good for you.  Therefore, you do not expect to receive anything in return for a step that you  are doing because it is good for you.&#8217;&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">And this is the crux of the missed opportunity in your view?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;Yes. The disengagement was a missed opportunity of historical proportions  because at the end of 2003 both Israel and the world had reached the  conclusion that on the one hand it was important to end the conflict quickly,  and on the other hand, in the existing paradigm it is impossible to solve it.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;Why is it impossible to solve? Because the maximum that Israel can give is  less than the minimum that the Palestinians must accept. I think that was a  rare opportunity to offer a new paradigm. But the disengagement simply said  the occupation was bad, that there is no chance for an agreement so long  as there is occupation, and therefore, let us narrow the occupation.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;The same is said by the convergence. There is logic in the thinking, but it  does not lead to long-term stability. The move along a unilateral path leads  us to the classic solution of two states for two peoples, and I think this is an  impossible solution.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Explain it to me.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;When we talk of a solution of two states for two peoples we make two  assumptions: that it is possible to solve the conflict in the area between the  Mediterranean and the Jordan River, and that the reference for a border  between the two states are the 1967 lines with minor changes. I reject these  two assumptions. I think that between the sea and the river there is not  enough area to contain two states, and I think that in order to maintain a  defensible border, Israel needs at least 12 percent of the West Bank. The  1967 lines, even the Clinton Plan, do not give Israel defensible borders.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">And a Palestinian state in only 88 percent of the West Bank territory is a  viable state?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;That is the second mistake. I argue that even a Palestinian state with 100  percent of the Gaza Strip and 97 percent of the West Bank is not viable.  Such a country will be poor, radical, restive, where the demographic  pressures will be unbearable. In 2020 there will be 2.5 million people in the  Gaza Strip, in area of 365 square kilometers. This will inevitably lead to  pressure against the fences.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Do you have an alternative proposal?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;My proposal from 2004, which I put forth to Sharon, calls for a regional  solution. Adding 600 square kilometers to Gaza in northern Sinai, to allow  for the construction of an international port and airport, and a city in which  millions of Palestinians can live. Granting 600 square kilometers to Israel in  the West Bank in order to guarantee defensible borders. Compensate Egypt  with 150 square kilometers in the southern Negev, and compensation in the  form of international economic aid and a tunnel connecting Egypt with  Jordan, north of Eilat. The transfer of about 100 square kilometers on the  east bank of the river to the Palestinians, granting them 105 percent of the  territory they are asking today.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Are the Palestinians willing to consider your proposal?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;All the Fatah people who saw the plan expressed interest. Abu Ala,  Mohammed Dahlan and others. The Palestinians are more practical than we  tend to think.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Egypt? The Jordanians?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;I believe it is possible to make them a sufficiently attractive offer.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Do you see the convergence creating conditions of stable coexistence with  the Palestinians?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;The convergence will not bring stability. It will not solve the conflict. But it  will encourage Hamas to keep the calm. There is a convergence of interests  between the government of Israel and Hamas.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">What kind of reality will there be after the withdrawal?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;A reality of two states without an agreement. The Palestinian state will be a  radical Hamas state, not satisfied and not viable. There will be continuous  instability.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Did you talk with Olmert about the convergence?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;No.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">How is that?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;I read about it in the papers like every other citizen. I have no problem with  this. The prime minister is a very intelligent man, capable of making  decisions, and is handling the situation in an impressive manner. I am sure  he consulted with other people.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">But in the government establishment there has not been a discussion on  whether the convergence is good for Israel.&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;Right.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Not related to Olmert or Sharon specifically, the decision-making process in  Israel appears to be sound to you?&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&quot;No.&quot;&#160; <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.haaretz.com\/2006-06-04\/ty-article\/eiland-gaza-pullout-was-missed-chance-of-historic-proportions\/0000017f-dc5c-df9c-a17f-fe5cf00a0000\"><font face=\"Arial\"><span style=\"font-size:6pt\">https:\/\/www.haaretz.com\/2006-06-04\/ty-article\/eiland-gaza-pullout-was-missed-chance-of-historic-proportions\/0000017f-dc5c-df9c-a17f-fe5cf00a0000<\/span><\/font><\/a><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8212;&#8211;<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">Everything about this list:<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">http:\/\/lists.riseup.net\/www\/info\/epalestine<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">To unsubscribe, send mail to:<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">epalestine-unsubscribe@lists.riseup.net<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">To subscribe, send mail to:<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n<p align=\"left\"><font face=\"Arial\" size=\"2\"><span style=\"font-size:10pt\">epalestine-subscribe@lists.riseup.net<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>w w w . h a a r e t z . c o m Last update &#8211; 09:44 04\/06\/2006 Eiland: Gaza pullout was missed chance of historic proportions By Ari Shavit, Haaretz Correspondent In an interview to Haaretz, the outgoing head of the National Security Council (NSC), Major General Giora Eiland describes the disengagement [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"nf_dc_page":"","_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","iawp_total_views":3,"footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[1401],"ppma_author":[936],"class_list":["post-4940","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news","tag-hamas"],"authors":[{"term_id":936,"user_id":4,"is_guest":0,"slug":"sambahour","display_name":"Sam Bahour","avatar_url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/bca109c333bf6d8ae807746dd512adde46265d37c923f6cd0fc4aab437f8e9aa?s=96&d=mm&r=g","0":null,"1":"","2":"","3":"","4":"","5":"","6":"","7":"","8":""}],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4940","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4940"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4940\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":9409,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4940\/revisions\/9409"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4940"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4940"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4940"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/epalestine.ps\/sambahour\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ppma_author?post=4940"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}